J.P.SOMMERVILLE
The dynamics of the witch hunt, and its eventual decline |
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367 - 11 (2) |
The power of curses was taken extremely seriously in
ancient, medieval and early-modern Britain. There was a widespread
belief that a parent's curse (or blessing) would have real effects.
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The curses of the poor and ill-treated were thought
particularly effective - a refusal to give charity to beggars, for
example, was risky because of the strength of their curses.
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Many accusations of witchcraft began with beggars cursing those who had refused to assist them. |
Cursing |
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Cursing provoked the devil to action just as prayer prompted God. | |||
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Many of those accused of witchcraft apparently cursed habitually. Joan Flower accused with her daughter, Margaret, in 1619, "was a monstrous malicious woman, full of oaths, curses, and imprecations irreligious" who "terrified them all with curses and threatening of revenge, if there were never so little cause of displeasure and unkindness." | |||
When a person's curses were regularly effective, they
soon earned a reputation for witchcraft. One witchcraft accusation in
Somerset in 1689 started when two adolescents who had angered an old
woman began to have fits and vomit bent pins. A case in Bury Saint
Edmunds started from Amy Duny's angry retort: "You need not be
so angry, for your child will not live long: and this was on a
Saturday, and the child died on the Monday following."
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Poor widows tended to be
dependent on the local
community for support, and the few who expressed their resentment
against the stingy were often the object of witchcraft accusations. |
| "Like a poor beggar, raileth on the rich. Well, whiles I am a beggar, I will rail And say there is no sin but to be rich" (King John 2.1) |
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Many witchcraft accusations revolved around
children. A high proportion of accused witches had histories of petty crime and they were often unmarried mothers. Since the villagers had to pay a "Poor Rate" to support these illegitimate children it tended to make them and the mothers objects of resentment. Children also often lodged accusations. |
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In the 1613 case of
Mother Sutton, charges
erupted after a villager had given her illegitimate son a clip around
the ear. | |
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Child-care led to some accusations. In the Amy Duny case, a row erupted with "many high expressions and threatening speeches" from the suspected witch, who had suckled the mother’s child although the mother had told her not to. The child fell into fits that night, and Duny (already rumored to be a witch) was at once suspected. |
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Although some witchcraft accusations were wholly
without foundation, some of the accused did think they were
witches; Cunning men and cunning women who made money by curing
sicknesses, finding lost goods, and so on, were common and popular.
They often used charms as well as herbs to effect cures - one charm
for toothache, another for warts, etc. It was often not a big move from
finding out who had bewitched someone, to turning the spell against
them, and then to bewitching on their own account. | ||
Many local people were
genuinely frightened of such
women and feared to deny them charity. The terror that witches
inspired made some intellectuals who doubted the reality of witchcraft
nonetheless think that it should be punished on some occasions.
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Fear of witchcraft does seem to have helped unpopular old women extract charity from their neighbors. It also helped people explain their own failures - if the butter failed to churn properly, or livestock died, the witch was to blame - not the farmer or his wife. | |
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Physicians could explain their failure by pointing to (supernatural) bewitchment as the cause. Thomas Ady dismissed witchcraft as "a cloak for a physician's ignorance when he cannot find the reason and the nature of the disease, he saith, the party is bewitched" |
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| In the case of Frances Howard, and Robert Devereux, 3rd Earl of Essex, it was rather convenient to blame the Earl's affliction (she accused him of impotence) on witchcraft |
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Small personal mishaps were blamed on witchcraft far more often than major disasters. Many accusations of witchcraft were made against those lower down the social scale who had some grievance against their accuser. Witches frequently mentioned revenge as their chief motive. | |
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Those accused of witchcraft were often members of the underclass - landless laborers, unmarried mothers, widows, and others who lived on the margins of society. The first peak of witchcraft accusations was in the late sixteenth century when poor harvests and growing poverty led to a decline in charity towards the poor. In particular, the gap was widening between those who were frugal and industrious (whose economic position was gradually improving) and those who had no land or skills. | |
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The introduction of the Poor Laws had the same effect: it led to increasing resentment between the poor and those obliged to support them. When the poor expressed their resentment in cursing and threats, conflict erupted. |
| "Let him have time to
live a loathed slave, Let him have time a beggar's orts to crave, And time to see one that by alms doth live Disdain to him disdained scraps to give." (The Rape of Lucrece. Orts are leftover food; crumbs) |
The decline of witchcraft |
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During the later seventeenth century the educated classes became increasingly skeptical about the reality of witchcraft. This was connected with the spread of Deism and scientific ideas that made it increasingly difficult to regard the Bible as literally true. | |||
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Only attacks and condemnation had greeted the first Continental attempt to undermine ideas of witchcraft - Johan Weyer's De praestigiis daemonum (1563). Weyer argued that the Devil himself was responsible for evil in the world, not the melancholic old women that Satan deceived into assuming responsibility for such crimes. | |||
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The earliest English opponent of belief in witchcraft was Reginald Scot. His Discovery of Witchcraft was published first in 1584, when almost all the comment it excited was hostile - not least because Scot rejected virtually all spiritual phenomena and played fast and loose with biblical texts in a way exceptional for his period. However, when his Discovery was republished in 1651 and again in 1665, it found a far more sympathetic audience. | |||
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By the later seventeenth century, people increasingly thought that the devil (like God) does not intervene in the world. Educated opinion increasingly held that the universe is governed by fixed, mechanistic laws. The most the devil ever does, it was claimed, is to encourage sinners to behave badly. He was certainly unable to overturn the natural order to help a few foolish old women seeking to wreak vengeance. | |||
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During the late sixteenth and early seventeenth
century, England was in a state of religious fervor - Protestants and
Catholics, conformists and puritans, competed over the correct
interpretation of the Bible. At Charles II's court, wits jested about
religion and Trimmers tried to exclude religion from politics. | |||
There were still many very pious believers in late
17th century England, but it became increasingly fashionable, and a sign of upper-class
status, to despise "enthusiasm" and "zeal." Belief in the intervention
of the Holy Spirit was associated with tub preachers and half-mad
Quakers.
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Physicians grew increasingly disinclined to see
any illness as caused by bewitchment. They looked for physical causes
of disease and dismissed both witches and the bewitched as foolish and insane.
(An argument first suggested by Weyer and
Scot).
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Social reasons may also help explain the decline in witchcraft prosecutions. By the later seventeenth century, old patterns of communal charity had begun to decline and with them the attitudes that led to local conflict disappeared. | |||
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A far more direct curb on witchcraft prosecutions was the change in the attitudes of the judiciary to witchcraft. Although the law against witchcraft remained on the statue book until 1736, judges were increasingly disinclined to punish witches and increasingly overturned the verdicts of juries who found them guilty. | |||
The judiciary was increasingly drawn from a
centrally-trained elite of lawyers without knowledge of, or sympathy
for, local complaints. Men of this class dismissed accusers and victims
as "vapoured and brainsick wenches" and
"crack-brained creatures." It even became risky to bring
accusations of witchcraft, for judges were willing to punish
defamers.
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Witchcraft: the European perspective |
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Estimates of the numbers of witches executed in Europe between 1400 and 1750 vary from thirty thousand to nine million (!). The best estimates suggest between 50,000 and 100,000 ( Levack, and Kors and Peters, suggest about 60,000). | |
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Two popular but implausible reasons for the witch hunt
are clerical zealotry and male "gynocide." | |
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Most witches were women. However, about 15% of
European witches were men. | |
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The intensity of the witch hunt varied enormously in different parts of Europe. French and German-speaking areas bordering the Rhine accounted for a very high proportion of all witchcraft trials and executions; England and the Netherlands for very few. In Spain and Portugal the Inquisition's insistence on legal propriety protected most of those accused of witchcraft. Many witches were prosecuted in Scotland and Switzerland. | |
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Witchcraft accusations were essentially a local, rural phenomenon. Urbanized areas produced very few accusations, and cases taken away from local control generally ended in acquittal. |